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The language of oppression
By Stan Gotlieb
Back in the mid-nineties,
not too long after I moved to Mexico, I ran across an article published
in Sierra Magazine, by John Ross. It provided the background that
explained the then-most-recent massacre, in a place called Aguas
Blancas. The mainstream U.S. media had covered it as either a land
dispute, a long-standing feud, or a clash between government forces
and dissidents. Horrible, regrettable, but what did it have to do
with us? These things just happen among the peasants.
Ross documented it differently.
The problem, he said, was deforestation. U.S.-based international
lumber companies, most noticeably Boise Cascade (who of course denied
all responsibility) were clear cutting the forest in the area. Invasion
of property, erosion, loss of water retention, destruction of habitat
needed for food purposes—all in the pursuit of a quick buck—had
moved the local peasants to form a local organization to stop the
clear cutting.
On their way to the
state capital to join with other mountain peasants, labor leaders,
ecologists and others to form a larger organization, and to present
their complaints to the state government of then-governor Rubén
Figueroa, the caravan of pickups in which they were riding was stopped
at gunpoint by agents of the state motorized police. They were ordered
out of the trucks, forced to kneel on the ground, and shot. Seventeen
died and 20 more were injured. Grainy video pictures of the scene
(the police were apparently using this as a “training exercise”)
appeared to show paramilitary troops also firing, from cover behind
some trees, with consent of the police. After the shooting stopped,
the cops distributed some guns among the corpses and called it self-defense.
Reubén Figueroa,
who was later shown to have ordered the killing (on tape telling
his chief of police to stop the protesters by whatever means necessary:
“Am I not the Governor?” he shouted), after firing his
police chief, was removed from office by the President of Mexico—and
never made to answer for his crimes. The international hue and cry
was at high volume; and the newly formed guerrilla army calling
itself the People’s Revolutionary Army (EPR), began to attack
the police. Boise Cascade went away—for a while...
Thanks to Ross, and
no thanks to the mainstream media, we found out that Figueroa, like
his father before him, used his governor’s chair to make sure
that the great majority of all log hauling in the area was done
by a company he controlled—and that the log hauling business
comprised the largest portion of his company’s revenues. So,
one could conclude without too much difficulty that 17 men and youths
were killed to insure that the governor’s family could continue
to rake in the bucks.
Jump forward to 1999,
when Rodolfo Montiel and Teodoro Cabrera, activists in another peasants’
ecological group, were arrested on trumped up charges of possessing
drugs and illegal firearms and thrown into the state’s maximum
security prison. Of course they “confessed” to the crimes,
having been tortured into signing blank pieces of paper which were
later filled out by prosecutors.
nce again, the mainstream
media treated it as a land dispute. Once again, the company benefiting
from the clear cutting was Boise Cascade. Once again, the hue and
cry went up. Amnesty International declared Montiel and Cabrera
to be prisoners of conscience. They won the prestigious (and remunerative)
Goldman Award. They were released in 2002 for “humanitarian
reasons” but never exonerated. Under Mexican law, they could
be arrested again at any time.
In 1988, 13 activists
from the same area, fighting the same cause against the same U.S.
transnational corporation, were arrested for killing the son of
local cacique (boss) Bernardino Bautista, a ruling-party stalwart
with connections to the Figueroa family. Since, all but one—ecologist
farmer Felipe Arreaga—have been released for lack of evidence.
Arreaga has been declared a prisoner of conscience by AI. One of
the released peasant leaders was Alberto Peñaloza.
Last week, 12 armed gunmen drove up to Peñaloza’s home
and opened fire on his family. Two sons were killed, and Peñaloza
and two other sons were hospitalized with gunshot wounds. In an
article datelined May 21 by AP correspondent Natalia Parra, in the
Mexican edition of the Miami Herald, we were informed of most of
this history, in a reasonable if perfunctory manner. We learned
that the Army, while searching for the perpetrators, arrested three
members of Peñaloza’s group for weapons violations,
and failed to identify any of the killers. All pretty straightforward
reporting of a typical whitewashing. Until the last paragraph.
“Activists have
expressed hope that new Guerrero Gov. Zeferino Torreblanca, who
defeated the old ruling party and took office on April 1 **with
the backing of a leftist party**, will reexamine the case and take
steps to end the **feud**. (emphases mine)
C’mon, Natalia!
“Leftist” is a scare word, and you know it—or
you should. Why not “progressive,” a good word, or “socially
conscious”? Or at least “Left-of-Center,” or “Left
leaning”? Or, name the party (PRD) and correctly label it
only-slightly-left-of-the-current-center, which is not really the
center but actually pretty much the right, making it look pretty
centrist to most of us.
And “feud,”
Natalia? What, like the Hatfields and the McCoys? Like the Capulets
and the Montegues? How about “repression”? “slaughter”?
“corruption”? “massacres”? Feud implies
a somewhat even playing field. How does that compute when the peasants
have .22 rifles and the Army has helicopter gunships? Feud implies
“tit for tat.” How does that work when mercenary thugs
armed with assault weapons are hired by bosses to do the dirty work
for international corporations, thus allowing the slaughter to go
on while providing the corporations with “plausible deniability”?
Whomever among us still
believes that “words can never hurt you” has never been
a victim of the corporate media disinformation machine. “Populist,”
the latest buzz-word for politicians such as Mexico City’s
mayor, a front-runner for the presidency in 2006, is a pejorative
(bad word) these days. It is applied to anyone who advocates spending
money to feed and shelter the poor, rather than to enrich the corporations
and their already over-fed CEOs.
AP wire service does
not have a very good record when it comes to fair reporting. It
has led the propaganda charge against virtually every progressive,
independent (of the U.S.) new government in Latin America while
writing supportively about every later-replaced political dinosaur.
We are ill-served by the media manipulators.
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