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Mexicans march to commemorate first
anniversary of electoral fraud
BY JOHNNY HAZARD
Sunday, July 1, saw about 100,000 people march
through the streets of Mexico City to the city´s central plaza,
the Zócalo, one year after the election that put right-wing
candidate Felipe Calderón in power via old-school and new-school
fraud. Ex-candidate Andrés López Obrador took the
stage after an endless array of boring speakers and low-key musical
acts that the crowd tolerated in the sun. His new book, the subtly-entitled
"The Mafia Stole the Presidency," is one of many on the
subject that have been released in the past few weeks. His Ibsenian
spirit of resistance intact, he didn´t say anything particularly
new at the rally. (The day before, one of his key advisors had suggested
that the public be ready for an announcement of new actions to take:
the ballots haven´t been burned yet, and there´s still
time to trace the trail of corruption, he said.) The real news,
participants and many media people agree, is that the movement still
exists.
A survey of 899 persons in Mexico City (a more left-leaning and
educated population than the rest of the country) released Monday
by a centrist newspaper indicates that if the election were held
(again) today, 62 percent would vote for López Obrador, compared
with 60 percent, according to official figures, who voted for him
a year ago.
The tendency to create a cult of personality
around him has not abated; for some reason, in spite of our egalitarian
beliefs, we tend, on the left, to canonize charismatic figures:
Che Guevara, Jesse Jackson, Paul Wellstone, Emiliano Zapata, Subcomandante
Marcos, Hugo Chávez. The slogans present at this march were
not as funny, as radical, or as transcendent as those of the marches
last summer; scatological insults directed at Calderón and
extremely generalized boycott calls predominated this time.
One columnist commented on Monday that López
Obrador´s fortune and that of the movement that surrounds
him will probably rise as that of Calderón inevitably falls.
Calderón has governed with Bush-like fearmongering strategies.
The war of this official government is against "drug traffickers,"
and the result, like in Iraq, is more violence in the affected areas
than before the "war." It turns out that the "drugs"
in question are principally marijuana. This has led more Mexicans
to call for its legalization, now that it´s more clear that
the fight to repress cannibis causes much more damage than its consumption.
Calderón continues his predecessor Vicente
Fox´s tradition of repression of non-aligned news media. Radio
Monitor is a station that for 30 years was operated by José
Gutiérrez Vivó, also the principal newscaster. He´s
about as radical as the folksy clowns you used to hear on WCCO in
Minneapolis, but at some point López Obrador began to give
him exclusive interviews. This led to coverage on Monitor of the
post-election protest activities, including broadcasting the daily
rallies at which the ex-candidate spoke. Gutiérrez Vivó
revealed that Fox had personally pressured him to stop giving free
publicity to the opposition. This in turn caused Fox and Calderón,
according to the newscaster, to pressure sponsors to boycott the
station.
On the streets, teachers in Oaxaca have set
up a new sit-in in the zócalo of that city. In México
City, dissident teachers, mostly from the southern and western states
of Guerrero and Michoacán, have a sit-in/blockade outside
the offices of the ISSSTE, the Mexican social security and social
service agency that has been gutted by a recent "reform"
law passed in fast-track fashion by most of the parties in congress
except those linked to López Obrador. The blockade only obstructs
two blocks of a part of downtown that´s not vital to transportation,
but various federal officials have demanded that the mayor repress
the demonstration. (Some Minneapolis teachers recently visited for
another reason; I took one of them to see the spectacle and he said:
"This is great. Teachers in Minneapolis would never go to a
march, let alone sleep on the street to defend their rights.")
The pension "reform," which López Obrador referred
to in his Sunday speech as following the dictates of the International
Monetary Fund, would cut pensions for teachers and millions of others
by about 50 percent. And they were never more than $20 dollars a
day. This great reform to save the country from bankruptcy affects
far less than 1 percent of the federal budget.
Leaders of the IMF congratulated the Mexican
government and suggested that next in line are fiscal and energy
reforms. The first is on the way; López Obrador has called
for "zero negotiation" with the government on this issue
by center-left parties in Congress. It remains to be seen to what
extent activists–and dispossessed citizens forced into activism–will
resist, with or without López Obrador, the coming aggressions:
fiscal reform, the privatization of oil and electricity, the coming
round of teacher contract negotiations, and the final blow of the
North American Free Trade Agreement (NAFTA), the removal of price
protection for Mexican corn and beans. (U.S. products, of course,
will continue to be subsidized–Hilary's husband´s contribution,
back in the nineties, to the destruction of Mexican agriculture.)
Johnny Hazard is somewhere where the banks won´t
find him and can be reached at jhazard99@yahoo.com
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